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Excerpts from recent editorials in the United States and abroad:

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April 29

The Washington Post says 鈥渢his time鈥� the US should stop a genocide

This month marked a grim milestone for Sudan, the unfortunate African country suffering what is considered the . On April 15, the country鈥檚 brutal civil war entered its , with an estimated , about 12 million displaced and no settlement in sight.

The next day, the State Department for the first time characterized the atrocities being committed in Sudan鈥檚 western Darfur region as a citing the systematic killings of men and boys and the against women and girls from the Masalit community. The U.S. statement named the paramilitary , or RSF, which has been locked in a battle with the Sudanese armed forces, as the perpetrator of the ethnic cleansing. The Biden administration had as responsible for genocide.

Declaring an ongoing genocide is one thing. Doing something immediately to alleviate it is more important. The United States and the world must not fail to act.

The State Department鈥檚 declaration happened to come on the eve of the anniversary of another mass atrocity. Fifty years ago, on , the seized control of the Cambodian capital, , and launched a fanatical experiment to through the systematic extermination of professionals, businesspeople, intellectuals and ethnic minorities. Up to 3 million people perished from summary executions, forced labor and starvation in the nearly that ensued. This horror, too, took place amid global indifference.

At the time, the United States was in retreat from Southeast Asia, scarred by its humiliating military failure in Vietnam. A from President Gerald Ford鈥檚 national security adviser, Brent Scowcroft, outlined reports of widespread executions of former government officials, soldiers, teachers, students and anyone showing signs of having been educated. nor his successor, took action to stop the bloodletting or even to raise awareness of it.

Now that the Trump administration has recognized a genocide is occurring in Sudan, what, if anything, can the United States do to end it?

Sudan鈥檚 civil war defies any easy solution. The conflict stems from a power struggle between who once were allies: , the armed forces commander, and , known as Hemedti, commander of the RSF, which is the contemporary offshoot of the Janjaweed militia that, in the early 2000s, terrorized Darfur and was responsible for Sudan鈥檚 first genocide. When the generals鈥� tenuous alliance snapped two years ago, their artillery and tank battles left much of the capital, Khartoum, .

In late March, there seemed to be when Burhan鈥檚 forces managed to . But Hemedti retreated west to his stronghold in the Darfur and Kordofan regions, where he has set up a rival 鈥� .鈥� And he has with a militia group called the , a remnant of South Sudan鈥檚 independence war. Hemedti鈥檚 moves to declare a rump state now risk splintering Sudan. Meanwhile, the massacres of the Masalit people and other non-Arab minority groups continue.

The participants in Sudan鈥檚 civil war include a volatile mix of regional and international players, with their own agendas and long-standing rivalries. Burhan is backed by Egypt, as well as Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Iran, hoping to , is also backing the Sudanese armed forces, and other weapons. And Turkey drones and missiles. The RSF, for its part, is supported by the as well as Libya, Chad, the Central African Republic and South Sudan. Hemedti has also been welcomed in , and .

With such a combustible brew, the temptation might be to turn a blind eye. But this would be wrong 鈥� just as it was wrong for the United States half a century ago to of Cambodia鈥檚 killing fields.

Strong action does not have to mean direct intervention. The Trump administration could halt arms sales to the UAE and impose sanctions, until the country ends its military and financial support for Hemedti鈥檚 RSF. Other countries that seem to support the RSF should be warned. And the United States should appoint a special envoy to the region to kick-start diplomacy by leaning on Egypt, Saudi Arabia and other U.S. allies to bring their client to the negotiating table.

President Donald Trump wants to be known as a peacemaker. Sudan might not be high on his priority list, but he should nevertheless pay attention. By helping to reach a peace agreement there, he could stop a genocide and end the world鈥檚 biggest humanitarian nightmare.

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April 27

The New York Times says the West must stand up to Erdogan, Turkey’s autocracy

The United States has long been willing to befriend unsavory foreign governments, sometimes with good reason. In a dangerous world, democracies cannot afford to alienate every nondemocracy. But any alliance with an autocratic regime requires at least a careful weighing of trade-offs. How valuable is the relationship to American interests? And how odious is the regime鈥檚 behavior?

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey has personified this dilemma for much of his 22 years in power. Turkey, at the crossroads of Europe, Asia and the Middle East, is an important American partner, with the second-largest military in NATO. Yet Turkey has been sliding toward autocracy over the past decade. Mr. Erdogan has changed its Constitution to expand his power, brought the , manipulated elections, , shut down media organizations and arrested journalists and protesters.

Last month, Mr. Erdogan took the assault on democracy to a new level. With dissatisfaction with his government growing, it in the next presidential election, Ekrem Imamoglu, the popular mayor of Istanbul, along with almost 100 of Mr. Imamoglu鈥檚 associates on dubious charges. The arrests put Turkey on the path that Russia has traveled over the past two decades, in which a democratically elected leader uses the powers of his office to turn it into an autocracy. 鈥淭his is more than the slow erosion of democracy,鈥� Mr. Imamoglu in these pages. 鈥淚t is the deliberate dismantling of our republic鈥檚 institutional foundations.鈥�

The response from the rest of the world has been weak. A short time after Mr. Imamoglu鈥檚 arrest, President Trump said of Mr. Erdogan, 鈥淚 happen to like him, and he likes me.鈥� Many European leaders stayed quiet. The president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, said only that the arrest was 鈥渄eeply concerning.鈥� There are no easy answers, given Turkey鈥檚 strategic importance and Mr. Erdogan鈥檚 grip on power. But the world鈥檚 democracies are getting the balance wrong. They can do more to support Turkey鈥檚 people and pressure Mr. Erdogan.

A crucial point is that Turkish voters seem to have tired of Mr. Erdogan. If elections were held today, Mr. Imamoglu would probably win, according to polls and political analysts. A self-described social democrat, Mr. Imamoglu, 54, is a member of the Republican People鈥檚 Party, which Mustafa Kemal Ataturk founded in 1919 as a resistance group and which later became the first governing party of the modern Turkish republic. The party is committed to a secular government for Turkey.

Mr. Imamoglu became mayor of Istanbul in 2019 in an upset victory over Mr. Erdogan鈥檚 candidate 鈥� two upset victories, in fact, because Mr. Erdogan鈥檚 party annulled the first vote and Mr. Imamoglu then won a second election more decisively. He has since compiled an impressive governing record, developing the area around the Golden Horn, a major waterway in Istanbul, and providing free milk for children. His stance on external affairs has been moderate; he condemned Hamas for its terrorist attacks on Oct. 7, 2023, and has since criticized Israel for its assault on Gaza. Mr. Erdogan, by contrast, as a liberation group, and called for Israel鈥檚 destruction.

For all their differences 鈥� Mr. Imamoglu is a secular progressive, while Mr. Erdogan, 71, is a religious conservative 鈥� Mr. Imamoglu has the potential to be a version of what Mr. Erdogan once seemed to be: a pragmatic and popular Turkish leader who could provide stability at home while helping restrain conflicts of the Middle East. In his early years in power, Mr. Erdogan gathered a broad political coalition, brought the army officer corps under civilian control, grew the economy, fostered a moderate Islamism, tried to resolve a long conflict with the Kurdish minority and normalized relations with Greece, a neighbor and longtime rival. His approach prompted George W. Bush and Barack Obama to .

Over time, though, Mr. Erdogan became more extreme, and more focused on consolidating power. He took power in 2003 as prime minister and, after being elected president in 2014, moved to change the Constitution to transfer power to that office. Since then, he has often prioritized his authority over everything else. 鈥淭he healthy paranoia and self-confidence of a successful politician metastasized into egomania and vindictiveness,鈥� Steven Cook of the Council on Foreign Relations . 鈥淗e destroyed every institutional check and balance 鈥� such as they were 鈥� in the Turkish political system.鈥� The arrest of Mr. Imamoglu is a sign that Mr. Erdogan aspires to be Turkey鈥檚 president indefinitely.

His next step toward that goal may be an attempt to avoid the term limits that would prevent him from running for re-election in 2028, when the next election is scheduled. He could do so by calling for earlier elections or changing the Constitution again.

It is notable that Mr. Erdogan ordered his rival鈥檚 arrest only two months after Mr. Trump returned to the White House. Mr. Trump has shown disdain for democracy, both through his attempts to and through his repeated praise for autocrats like Vladimir Putin. The Trumpist view of the world is a version of might makes right, which emboldens like-minded leaders to use their own might to crush domestic opposition.

But Mr. Trump鈥檚 influence on Mr. Erdogan contains a silver lining: It is a sign that Mr. Erdogan can be affected by the attitudes of foreign governments. As with any country, Turkey needs to care about its relationships with the rest of the world. And other democracies, including the European nations, Canada, Japan and India, have reason to be unhappy with Mr. Erdogan鈥檚 recent moves. Even Mr. Trump has cause for concern.

Turkey鈥檚 drift toward Islamist extremism suggests that it could become another country that supports terrorism and threatens Israel. The most obvious is in Syria, Turkey鈥檚 southern neighbor, which is trying to emerge from Bashar al-Assad鈥檚 dictatorship. In Europe, political leaders who are anxious about Mr. Putin鈥檚 ambitions and the rise of authoritarianism in Hungary should be worried that Turkey will become another sign that democracy is in retreat. Europe does have levers to influence Mr. Erdogan: Germany is Turkey鈥檚 largest trading partner, and several other Western European nations are not far behind.

By speaking up, these countries can make Mr. Erdogan鈥檚 life less comfortable. They can make clear that Turkey is risking cooperation on a wide range of issues that matter to it, such as trade, migration and military supplies. The rest of the world may not be able to prevent Turkey鈥檚 slide toward authoritarianism and extremism. But it should certainly try.

After Mr. Imamoglu鈥檚 arrest, hundreds of thousands of Turks filled streets with . Doing so required courage. Authorities responded by arresting hundreds of protesters, many of whom are facing sham trials. Their bravery deserves more than global silence.

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April 28

The Wall Street Journal says Trumps second term might have been sunk by tariffs

Presidential second terms are rarely successful, and on the evidence of his first 100 days 鈥檚 won鈥檛 be different. The President needs a major reset if he wants to rescue his final years from the economic and foreign-policy shocks he has unleashed.

There鈥檚 no denying his energy or ambition. Mr. Trump is pressing ahead on multiple fronts, and he has had some success. His expansion of U.S. energy production is proceeding well and is much needed after the Biden war on fossil fuels. He has ended the border crisis in short order.

He is also rolling back federal assaults on mainstream American values鈥攕uch as by policing racial favoritism. Mr. Trump was elected to counter the excesses of the left on climate, culture and censorship, and he is doing it.

On other priorities, the execution hasn鈥檛 matched the promises. That would seem to apply to DOGE, which we鈥檝e supported but has been so frenetic it isn鈥檛 clear what it is achieving. Easy targets like USAID make for symbolic victories but no fundamental change in the growth of government. The Trump budget will offer more reform proposals, if the White House can get them through Congress. He badly needs a pro-growth tax bill.

Even on popular causes, one problem has been needless excess. Harvard and other universities need to change, but trying to dictate their curriculum and faculty choices is an intrusion on free speech and risks defeat in court. His deportation of criminals is worthwhile, but denying due process and toying with the courts will sour the effort. The White House motto seems to be that if something is worth doing, it鈥檚 worth doing too much.

That鈥檚 especially true on tariffs, which could sink his Presidency. Mr. Trump was elected to control inflation and raise real incomes, but tariffs do the opposite. They guarantee at least a one-time increase in prices on imported goods that will flow through the economy. They portend shortages for consumers, and for businesses that source goods and components from abroad.

The tariffs are the largest economic policy shock since Richard Nixon blew up Bretton Woods in 1971, which unleashed inflation that Nixon tried to stop with wage and price controls and a tariff. The economic consequences arguably doomed Nixon鈥檚 second term, perhaps as much as Watergate.

It鈥檚 a mistake to think the tariff damage is only domestic. The willy-nilly assault on friends and foes has shaken global confidence in U.S. reliability. Ken Griffin, the investor and major donor to Mr. Trump, summed it up last week as a self-inflicted blow to the American brand. The U.S. is needlessly ceding global economic leadership.

China is already taking advantage by courting U.S. allies as a more dependable giant market. This will make it much harder to build a trade alliance to stop China鈥檚 often predatory economic behavior. Mr. Trump last week called us 鈥淐hina Loving,鈥� which must amuse Beijing. Mr. Trump鈥檚 tariffs on allies are the real gift to Xi Jinping.

There are signs Mr. Trump is finally recognizing some of the tariff risks, as he now talks of doing some 200 trade deals. He is also saying he might unilaterally cut his 145% tariff on Chinese imports. We鈥檇 like nothing better than to see a retreat鈥攁 鈥淢itterrand moment,鈥� as we about the reversal by the 1980s French socialist. But Mr. Trump remains a long way from making such a pivot, and those trade deals won鈥檛 be easy to strike.

Mr. Trump鈥檚 second-term foreign policy so far is a work in progress. He is trying to reclaim Middle East sea lanes from the Houthis after 鈥檚 timidity. And he is restoring 鈥渕aximum pressure鈥� on Iran to abandon its nuclear program. These are hopeful signs.

The main cause for alarm is his one-sided pursuit of peace in Ukraine. Until this weekend he had said scarcely a discouraging word about while squeezing Ukraine to make concessions that could doom it to future marauding. Much will hang on the details of an armistice, if there is one, and not merely for Europe鈥檚 future.

Joe Biden鈥檚 retreat from Afghanistan destroyed American deterrence. A debacle in Ukraine would do the same for Mr. Trump, with ramifications for Iran, North Korea and especially Chinese ambitions in the Pacific. Don鈥檛 be surprised if China decides to snatch Taiwan鈥檚 outer islands or tries a partial blockade. Mr. Trump told us in October that he鈥檇 respond to such a provocation with tariffs, but he鈥檚 already playing that card without success.

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April 27

The Guardian capitalism and the cosmos – is space a private asset?

In 2015, a rare moment of US congressional unity passed the 鈥� to mine asteroids as if they were open seams of ore and harvest planets like unclaimed farmland. Quietly signed by President Barack Obama, it now reads as a premature act of enclosure: staking titles in a realm we scarcely understand. Though some expressed concerns at the time, it was justified by the idea of inevitable progress. Such naivety evaporated with Donald Trump. Space had been humanity鈥檚 last commons, shielded by a 1967 Outer Space treaty. Mr Trump declared it dead in 2020, signing the Artemis Accords and enlisting 43 allies, including the UK, in the legalisation of heaven鈥檚 spoils. In March, Mr Trump vowed to plant the 鈥� and beyond. The age of celestial commons was brief, if it ever began.

A new report by the Common Wealth thinktank, titled , warns that a powerful coalition 鈥� composed of private corporations, billionaires such as , and 鈥� 鈥� thinktanks 鈥� is working to extend earthly ownership structures to space. The report鈥檚 author, Durham University鈥檚 Carla Ibled, calls it 鈥渢he transfer of shared resources into the hands of a few鈥�. The 1967 treaty bans state exploitation of space, but is vague on private claims 鈥� a loophole now fuelling a tycoon-led scramble for the stars. The aim is obvious: to act first, shape norms and dare others to object.

Companies are targeting mines for 鈥減latinum group鈥� metals, for fuel and for nuclear fusion. These are, admittedly, more likely to be business cases more than functioning businesses. Space law, however, is being fashioned to allow appropriation under the guise of peaceful, commercial activity. Some bizarrely argue that off鈥憄lanet mining is social justice 鈥� shifting pollution from Earth to 鈥� 鈥� space to spare local communities environmental harm. Common Wealth rightly sees this as a modern-day movement. Space isn鈥檛 a prize for private conquest. It鈥檚 a shared realm needing democratic, ethical stewardship 鈥� not corporate extraction in legal disguise.

Building a worldwide democratic, collective model is not easy. There is no global body that has clear authority over space resource governance. There is an embryonic one in the . Previous attempts to create new frameworks 鈥� like the 1979 Moon Agreement 鈥� have failed to gain traction among major space powers. There are also longstanding concerns that privatisation is a cover for the of the cosmos. Notably, the UK has yet to adopt a space resource licensing system 鈥� unlike its fellow Artemis Accords founders the US, Luxembourg, United Arab Emirates and Japan. Reviving cold war lines in the stars, Russia and China defend space as common property against western-style celestial land grabs.

There is no viable commercial model for the extraction of space resources and their return to Earth for sale. Nasa鈥檚 Moon rock returns helped justify space property rights. Dr Ibled warns that humanity鈥檚 last commons is slipping into private hands. Some have proposed an , consent-based for space 鈥� which would treat it not as endless bounty but as a realm worthy of restraint and respect, where survival uses like water extraction would be permitted. Creating equitable global governance is hard. But that鈥檚 no excuse not to try. The stakes, after all, are planetary.

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April 27

The Philadelphia Inquirer on the first 100 days of Trump’s second term

President Franklin D. Roosevelt coined the term as he moved with warp speed to lift the country out of the Great Depression.

As the 100th day of 鈥檚 second presidential term approaches, he has with haste and brute force.

But instead of building up the United States, Trump is tearing it apart.

No elected official has done more damage to America in the half century or so since Watergate than Trump. In just a few months, his words and deeds have made the country , , and less stable.

Trump has inflicted pointless pain and suffering on individuals, families, and businesses. He has made America less free, less efficient, less healthy, less respected, and more lawless.

At every turn, Trump has created costly chaos for no good reason. Even worse, he has acted with a and vengeance that on pathological.

The blitz has been so relentless that it is hard to believe he has only been back in power for roughly 100 days.

Amid the tumult, one thing is clear: Trump is not making America great. In fact, his actions are un-American.

Each day brings a fresh new hell.

It started on Day One when Trump rewarded lawlessness at the highest levels by granting sweeping pardons to more than 1,500 of the insurrectionists who stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, and police officers, the building, and threatened to Vice President Mike Pence.

It continued with Trump鈥檚 that ranged from the ridiculous ( the Gulf of Mexico) to the unconstitutional ( birthright citizenship).

Then it morphed into reckless attacks on government agencies, including the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, the Internal Revenue Service, the U.S. Department of Education, the National Park Service, and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

No doubt, the federal government could run more smoothly. But firing of federal employees with no rhyme or reason will make the government .

Elon Musk, the unelected point person overseeing the government purge at the so-called Department of Government Efficiency, slashed jobs and issued ridiculous , while on nearly every American.

Damage done, Musk will soon to save his failing car company, while keeping the his other businesses receive from the government.

But after all the upheaval, Musk DOGE will only reduce spending by $150 billion. In a government that $7 trillion a year, that鈥檚 2% 鈥� far short of Musk鈥檚 of cutting $2 trillion.

Musk鈥檚 stated paltry savings can鈥檛 even be trusted since the reports are with errors. One of DOGE鈥檚 biggest involved a $1.9 billion contract that was canceled last fall by the Biden administration.

Unaccounted for is the to people鈥檚 and the hollowed-out departments Musk leaves behind. It is easy to criticize the government until you need a VA appointment, Medicare coverage, a Social Security check, or Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) assistance.

Firing air traffic controllers amid a run of airplane crashes is depraved.

Closing embassies and ending foreign aid will destabilize hot spots around the world, turn countries against America, and lead to senseless deaths. One group that 15,000 people have died from the administration鈥檚 immolation of the international relief group USAID. Researchers say that number to 25 million because of cuts to global health funding.

Firing FBI agents, CIA spies, and U.S. Justice Department prosecutors benefits criminals and leaves the country more vulnerable to espionage.

Then there are Trump鈥檚 tariffs. Just to see how that is going. Trump鈥檚 on-again, off-again tariffs have , , and on consumers.

Over one three-day stretch, Trump鈥檚 tariff moves from pension funds, investment accounts, and retirement savings. Trump inherited an economy that was the . But in just three months, he made America , and likely .

Along the way, Trump has picked needless fights with our strongest allies in Europe, Canada, and Mexico. He鈥檚 threatened to take and the . It has been a disgusting display of , , and that has made America .

Even worse, Trump has in the war between Russia and Ukraine. Trump is in war criminal Vladimir Putin鈥檚 鈥� where he has .

The of Ukraine and its valiant President Volodymyr Zelensky will go down as one of the most disgraceful and costly foreign policy blunders ever by an American president 鈥� with a from complicit Republican lackeys.

Then, there have been aimed at ending diversity, equity, and inclusion programs. Sadly, many support the end of DEI without understanding the .

While perhaps imperfect, programs that strive for the fair treatment of all people, especially those who faced systemic discrimination for generations, are a worthy goal to live up to the founders鈥� vision of a more perfect union.

Trump prefers to go backward, declaring, 鈥淥ur country will be woke no longer.鈥�

Note that the opposite of woke is lulled. And the opposite of diversity, equity, and inclusion is homogeneity, inequality, and exclusion.

In other words, Trump is at war with a bedrock principle in the Declaration of Independence: 鈥淎ll men are created equal.鈥�

He is also at war with higher education, science, public health, and the legal community 鈥� institutions and bulwarks that have long distinguished the United States.

Trump has spent the past few months threatening and bullying universities, law firms, and media companies. He appears to take sick pleasure in abusing his power, but the upshot of the attacks will weaken America.

Cutting off research funding will , slow discoveries for cancer and other rare diseases, while leaving the country less prepared to combat the next pandemic.

Trump鈥檚 assault on higher education 鈥� despite his benefiting from an Ivy League degree 鈥� will result in and fewer college graduates to fill jobs in fields that face shortages like engineering, nursing, and teaching.

It will lead to and more inequality, as only the wealthy will be able to afford tuition. Chasing away foreign students will also undermine America鈥檚 higher education dominance, while benefiting other countries like China, which will fill the void.

Trump鈥檚 roundup and deportation of migrants and foreign students 鈥� including many who are in the 鈥� is perhaps his most un-American act.

Instead of trying to fix America鈥檚 broken immigration system, Trump human rights, constitutional protections, and court rulings.

Many judges have by applying the law and serving as a check on the executive branch 鈥� just as the founders designed the system. But the in the legislative branch have ignored their constitutional duty and enabled Trump.

As legal experts debate whether Trump has created a , others say we have crossed the Rubicon.

Former Vice President Al Gore the Trump administration鈥檚 abuse of power and war on truth with Nazi Germany.

A Harvard professor who studies how democracies slip into authoritarianism , 鈥淲e are no longer living in a democratic regime.鈥�

Much has been in Trump鈥檚 first 100 days. It will be up to voters, lawmakers, and the courts to stop him before there is no turning back.

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